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We will show you how the banks use the laws against you, which are also able to protect you from the banks. However, you do not want to procrastinate because this is one of those times where the one who strikes first, wins, period! We are truly the only alternative to Bankruptcy, in fact there is no comparison. See our “Bankruptcy” page for details.

Please understand, once you have our Shield of Protection up around you, (FIRST STRIKE) peace and calm will start to be a part of your life again; and it is simple to do with our attorney written and attorney monitored program. Once you have an understanding of the simple laws we apply for you; you’ll begin to understand how we can help to protect you and everything you own, including your paycheck and/or bank accounts.

Fill out the form to immediately receive you free ebook titled, “How to Control your Creditors” and stick around, educate yourself.

]]> http://debtshot.com/bankruptcy-is-a-huge-mistake/feed/ 0 http://debtshot.com/downloads/ http://debtshot.com/downloads/#comments Mon, 28 Sep 2009 05:15:40 +0000 admin http://debtshot.com/?p=86 Here is the recorded link for your review ASAP to Your Freedom From Debt Webinar, please grab a pen and paper so you can take notes as we explain how we are able to protect your assets and help FREE you from your DEBT with our proprietary shield of protection. We are sure you will have a much better understanding of what we can do for you with our shield of protection once you see it in action.

Once proper documentation has been filed by our firm and your financial shield is in place, you will have the appropriate leverage needed to negotiate at 10% to 20% of your debt. Don’t wait until you’ve lost this option and found yourself at the mercy of the courts.

There is a legal, effective way to rid yourself of skyrocketing interest rates and harassing telephone calls collection letters, etc. You can decide for yourself who doesn’t paid, who does and how much. Don’t force the courts do this for you. It’s your money and your life. You do not live in a socialist system and should not be treated like you do.

We are a community of individuals dedicated to helping others regain their financial integrity by using legal means to settle debts for 10% to 20% of the supposed existing balances due. We do so by putting you into a leveraged position empowering you to control your creditors using the very same tactics they use against you; thus protecting you from them. In other words, we do for you what the creditors will do to you. ]]>http://debtshot.com/downloads/feed/0 http://debtshot.com/credit-card-debt/ http://debtshot.com/credit-card-debt/#comments Mon, 28 Sep 2009 05:13:46 +0000 admin http://debtshot.com/?p=84 Consumer Debts are HUGE…Not GONE! LATEST STATISTICS SHOW Consumer debt in the United States is 2.6 Trillion dollars Roughly 37% of all consumer debt – as of June 2008 – of this type is revolving credit, which is defined as credit which is repeatedly available as periodic repayments are made. According to the US census bureau, there were164 million credit card holders in the United States in 2005 and that number is projected to grow to 176 million by 2010. These same Americans own approximately 1.4 billion cards – an average of nearly nine credit cards issued per credit card holder. Those are pretty staggering numbers to say the least. What are you going to do about it? Can you just stop making payments and turn your head the other way? This option is not viable. The collection advances of the credit card companies would drive you crazy and land you in hot water. There is, however, a way to stop making those payments and take control of your financial life again. You need protection!]]> http://debtshot.com/credit-card-debt/feed/ 0 http://debtshot.com/bankruptcy/ http://debtshot.com/bankruptcy/#comments Mon, 28 Sep 2009 05:10:25 +0000 admin http://debtshot.com/?p=82 Why Bankruptcy Is A Huge Mistake!    We have a better alternative to bankruptcy. Our system will empower you too… If you are here looking for a reason NOT to file BK, let me assure you, you have come to the right place. New legislation was passed in 2005 that makes it nearly impossible to qualify for Chapter 7. Let’s start with a stat we’re pretty sure you are not familiar with: Credit Counseling Fact: Did you know Consumer Credit Counseling has a 90% FAILURE RATE? This includes the so called “non-profit” Consumer Credit Counseling companies the (CCC). First, the petitioner must now obtain a letter from a non-profit (CCC) company stating that they have tried unsuccessfully to get out of debt with a (CCC). What a JOKE! These so called “non-profit” companies were conceived of by banks to keep consumers paying as long as possible. No real surprises though, we all know the seed does not fall far from the tree…and this bill is a dream come true for your creditors. In fact, they have been trying to get a bill like this passed for years. Second, Chapter 7 Bankruptcy is a liquidation proceeding in which the debtor’s non-exempt assets are sold by a trustee and the proceeds are distributed to creditors according to the priorities established in the Code. In other words, some of your property will be sold to wipe out some of your debt. You do not get to keep all of your things and not pay for it, as some would believe. This is why chapter 7 only covers unsecured debt. Third, bankruptcy will not erase all of your debt. Non-dischargeable debts include any debts that you neglected to list on your bankruptcy filings, child support and alimony, student loans, legal debts owed to the state, tax debts, credit card purchases made within 60 days of filing for bankruptcy, loans or cash advances over $1150 you made within 60 days of filing, and debts owed under a divorce settlement. Fourth, many people believe that filing for bankruptcy cleans up their credit and allows them to have a fresh start. This is simply not true. Bankruptcy ruins your credit. It remains on your credit report for a period of ten years. The funny thing is it’s the credit card companies themselves that offer you more credit shortly after the Bankruptcy is complete. Laughable, they are as addicted to you as you are them, the only difference is, you are the one that does not know what to do and this fear (False Evidence Appearing Real) keeps you up and night. Fifth, Chapter 13 is a repayment plan for individuals with regular income and unsecured debt less than $290,525 and secured debt less than $871,550. The debtor keeps his property and makes regular payments to a trustee out of future income over about a 3 to 5 year period. Repayment in Chapter 13 generally ranges from 10 percent to 100 percent, depending on the debtor’s income and the type of debt. The debt must still be paid. This is true if you lose your job, become ill, or have an income producing spouse die. You are still responsible for repaying the debt and you have given up rights to your property. If you have any valuable assets, you can forget about Chapter 7! Finally, until recently, it seemed that filing Chapter 7 bankruptcy was the answer for many people with financial problems. Perhaps it was the best option at one time, but that all changed in October of 2005 when new legislation made it nearly impossible to file Chapter 7, thanks W. The bill severely limits the ability of consumers to wipe away some of their debts and get a fresh start. If you have any valuable assets, you can just about forget filing Chapter 7. But wait, it gets worse…if you file Chapter 7 and you do not qualify for it, you are then forced into Chapter 13, in other words, you are not allowed to change your mind or back out.  This bill is a dream comes true for your creditors. In fact, they have been trying to get a bill like this passed for years!  Title: Shielded Circle Webinar Date: WARNING: Whatever you do, DO NOT let your creditors bully you into Chapter 13. And believe me; they will try to tell you Chapter 13 is your only option. As you are about to discover, this is simply NOT TRUE. The worst part that you will not find out until it is too late; if you do not qualify for the Chapter 7 you will be forced into Chapter 13. That’s right, you do not have the ability to back out or change your mind once you have filed for Chapter 7 Bankruptcy. The Good News… Ok…if you are reading this late at night because you cannot sleep, it’s time for the good news so you can sleep at night again. You can breathe easy as you have found the ONLY viable alternative for putting your debt to rest. Break out the tomb stone and right across it, RIP—Debt… That’s right, you can still wipe away as much as 90% of your debt WITHOUT filing for bankruptcy. This has NOTHING to do with Debt Settlement, Debt Consolidation or a “so called” CCC Services. YES!!! We have a better alternative to bankruptcy. Our system will empower you too… Get out of debt fast without bankruptcy or consolidation Learn your rights according to the Fair Debt Collection Practices Act F.D.C.P.A and the Fair Credit Billing Act, F.C.B.A. Stop harassing phone calls from creditors Stop collection agencies dead in their tracks Know what to do if you are sued by your creditors Learn how to restore your credit Gain access to our attorney network Find out numerous things the banks nor the collection attorneys want you to know The best part, your credit is restored and you are back up and running in less than two years—not TEN years. Yes, our Debt Resolution program can help you eliminate 90% or more of your debt. Our program is the only one of its kind. We have a network of trained attorneys that can help you get out of debt in 12—18 months. This is NOT a repayment plan, debt settlement or debt consolidation. We are the only legal debt elimination program. As you review our website you will gain a better perspective of how this program can work for you. Review our “APG Information” link, and your confidence of what we can do for you will surely rise as you see we are already prepared for you. We have satisfied clients that will speak with you about their experiences if necessary, and you can read some testimonies that our clients have posted as well. We have live conference calls for those that are seeking for our proprietary services on Thursday evening, by appointment only. Feel free to call the number on our website anytime between 9am to 7pm M-F Eastern Standard Time, or feel free to simply email us. LifeClub@tggfinancial.com Legal Intelligence For Everyone Debt Relief, Debt support, credit card debt, attorney debt, and debt elimination, Debt Relief, Debt support, credit card debt, attorney debt, and debt elimination, Debt Relief, Debt support, credit card debt, attorney debt, and debt elimination, Debt Relief, Debt support, credit card debt, attorney debt, and debt elimination, Debt Relief, Debt support, credit card debt, attorney debt, and debt elimination ]]> http://debtshot.com/bankruptcy/feed/ 0 http://debtshot.com/hello-world/ http://debtshot.com/hello-world/#comments Mon, 28 Sep 2009 04:50:42 +0000 admin http://debtshot.com/?p=1 http://debtshot.com/hello-world/feed/ 1 http://debtshot.com/reduce-your-debt-using-tax-credits/ http://debtshot.com/reduce-your-debt-using-tax-credits/#comments Sun, 19 Apr 2009 01:23:50 +0000 admin http://apg-llc.info/?p=79 Are you ready to receive all those tax credits we’ve been hearing about? This year, you have all kinds of options to reduce your tax burden. Qualifying for the various programs is another issue. Depending on your income level, the time you have lived in your house, how many kids you have, if you own a business and its level of success, will dictate how much you can qualify for. The Asset Protector Group is not offering a credit to help stimulate your budget. The Asset Protector Group is not offering a “make work pay” tax credit to put an extra $20.00 in your paycheck each week. The Asset Protector Group is not offering a tax credit of up to $8000.00 for homeowners, which you must claim as income, and PAY BACK like the government is. Certainly it is refreshing to see the government making an effort. Even the slightest stimulus to our everyday citizens’ cash flow is welcome and needed. However, The Asset Protector Group has built a program that delivers an immediate stimulus with a bigger and more immediate punch. What if you could take all the payments that you make each month to your credit card companies, banks, and Credit Unions and keep that money for you and your family? Do you pay $1000, $1500, or even $2000 per month in payments, fees, and interest on your unsecured debts? That equates to 10’s of thousands of dollars each year that would be better used to keep your family afloat in this turbulent economy. The Asset Protector Group has a rock solid solution to this waste of much needed cash flow. Our Shielded Circlel program allows you to STOP making those monthly payments and guides you to a foreseeable end to your unsecured debt encumbrances. Our program was written and is supervised by a tax attorney with over 30 years experience. Our goal is to get those debts settled: PAID OFF!! Separating the Asset Protector Group from those other so called “debt elimination” companies is that once you become part of our Shielded Circle of Protection, we protect you and your assets, your personal assets, your home, your bank account, and most importantly… your income. After years of research by our professional staff, we are able to use the banks own tactics and settle your unsecured debt for as little as 10% of the amount owed. Do yourself and your family a favor and download our free eBook found on our web site, www.apg-llc.us . In that book you will get an education on how the banks have taken full advantage of the consumer and how you can fight back to get these debts settled once and for all. If you prefer to speak immediately with one of our professionals you can call us toll free at 800-488-2051. We are standing by to stimulate you right now.]]> http://debtshot.com/reduce-your-debt-using-tax-credits/feed/ 0 http://debtshot.com/washingtons-farewell-address-1796/ http://debtshot.com/washingtons-farewell-address-1796/#comments Sun, 19 Apr 2009 01:19:40 +0000 admin http://apg-llc.info/?p=77 WASHINGTON’S FAREWELL ADDRESS, 1796: Friends and Fellow Citizens: The period for a new election of a citizen, to administer the executive government of the United States, being not far distant, and the time actually arrived, when your thoughts must be employed in designating the person who is to be clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression of the public voice, that I should now apprise you of the resolution I have formed to decline being considered among the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made. I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination incompatible with the sentiment of duty or propriety; and am persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my services, that, in the present circumstances of our country, you will not disapprove my determination to retire. The impressions, with which I first undertook the arduous trust, were explained on the proper occasion. In the discharge of this trust, I will only say, that I have, with good intentions, contributed toward the organization and administration of the Government, the best exertions of which a very fallible judgement was capable. Not unconscious, in the outset, of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience in my own eyes, perhaps still more in the eyes of others, has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me more and more, that the shade of retirement is as necessary to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied that if any circumstances have given peculiar value to my services, they were temporary, I have the consolation to believe, that while choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, patriotism does not forbid it. Here, perhaps, I ought to stop. But a solicitude for your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger, natural to that solicitude urge me on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments; which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be offered to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive as his counsel. Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment. The unity of government which constitutes you one people is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence, the support of your tranquility at home; your peace abroad; of your safety; of your prosperity; of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee, that from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed, it is of infinite moment, that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national Union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual and immoveable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can in any event be abandoned, and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts. For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens by birth or choice, of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of ‘American’, which belongs to you, in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism, more than any appelation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits and political principles. You have in a common cause fought and triumphed together. The independence and liberty you possess are the work of joint councils, and joint efforts; of common dangers, sufferings and successes. But these considerations, however powerfully they address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly outweighed by those which apply more immediately to your interest. Here every portion of our country finds the most commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving the union of the whole. The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the South, protected by the equal laws of a common Government, finds in the production of the latter, great additional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise and precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South in the same intercourse, benefitting by the agency of the North, sees its agriculture grow and its commerce expand. Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the North, it finds its particular navigation envigorated; and while it contributes, in different ways, to nourish and increase the general mass of the national navigation, it looks forward to the protection of a maritime strength, to which itself is unequally adapted. The East, in a like intercourse with the West, already finds, and in the progressive improvement of interior communications, by land and water, will more and more find a valuable vent for the commodities which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its growth and comfort, and what is perhaps of still greater consequence, it must of necessity owe the secure enjoyment of indispensable outlets for its own productions to the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble community of interest as one nation. Any other tenure by which the West can hold this essential advantage, whether derived from its own separate strength, or from an apostate and unnatural connection with any foreign power, must be intrinsically precarious. While then every part of our country thus feels an immediate and particular interest in union, all the parts combined cannot fail to find in the united mass of means and efforts greater strength, greater resource, proportionably greater security from external danger, a less frequent interruption of their peace by foreign nations; and, what is of inestimable value, they must derive from union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighboring countries, not tied together by the same government; which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments and intrigues would stimulate and imbitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity of those overgrown military establishments which, under any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty and which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to republican liberty. In this sense it is that your union ought to be considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love of the one ought to endear you to the preservation of the other. Is there a doubt whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to union affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be reason to distrust the patriotism of those who in any quarter may endeavor to weaken its bands. In contemplating the causes which may disturb our union, it occurs as a matter of serious concern, that any ground should have been furnished for characterizing parties by geographical discriminations: Northern and Southern; Atlantic and Western; whence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence, within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart burnings which spring from these misrepresentations; they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection. To the efficacy and permanency of your union, a Government for the whole is indispensable. No alliances however strict between the parts can be an adequate substitute. They must inevitably experience the infractions and interruptions which all alliances in all times have experienced. Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved upon your first essay, by the adoption of a Constitution of Government, better calculated than your former for an intimate union, and for the efficacious management of your common concerns. This Government, the offspring of your own choice uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The basis of our political systems is the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of government. But the constitution which at any time exists till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish government presupposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government. Toward the preservation of your government and the permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite not only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be to effect in the forms of the Constitution alterations which will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes to which you may be invited remember that time and habit are at least as necessary to fix the true character of governments as of other human institutions; that experience is the surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the existing constitution of a country; that facility in changes upon the crdit of mere hypothesis and opinion exposes to perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and opinion; and remember especially that for the efficient management of your common interests in a country so extensive as ours a government of as much vigor as is consistent with the perfect security of liberty is indispensable. Liberty itself will find in such a government, with powers properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It is, indeed, little else than a name where the government is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to confine each member of the society within the limits prescribed by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil enjoyment of the rights of person and property. I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in the State, with particular reference to the founding of them on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more comprehensive view, and warn you in the most solemn manner against the baneful effects of the spirit of party generally. This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. It exists under different shapes in all governments, more or less stifled, controlled, or repressed; but in those of the popular form it is seen in its greatest rankness and is truly their worst enemy. It serves always to distract the public councils and enfeeble the public administration. It agitates the community with illfounded jealousies and false alarms; kindles the animosity of one part against another; foments occasionally riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influence and corruption, which find a facilitated access to the government itself through the channels of party passion. Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected to the policy and will of another. There is an opinion that parties in free countries are useful checks upon the administration of government, and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This within certain limits is probably true; and in governments of a monarchial cast patriotism may look with indulgence, if not with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the popular character, in governments purely elective, it is a spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for every salutary purpose; and there being constant danger of excess, the effort ought to be by force of public opinion to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume. It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking in a free country should inspire caution in those intrusted with its administration to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. If in the opinion of the people the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be in any particular wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the Constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for though this in one instance may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance in permanent evil any partial or transient benefit which the use can at any time yield. Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism who should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happiness - these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all their connections with private and public felicity. Let it simply be asked, Where is the security for property, for reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in courts of justice? And let us with caution indulge the supposition that morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail in exclusion of religious principle. It is substantially true that virtue or morality is a necessary spring of popular government. The rule indeed extends with more or less force to every species of free government. Who that is a sincere friend to it can look with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of the fabric? Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, institutions for the general diffusion of knowledge. In proportion as the structure of a government gives force to public opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlightened. As a very important source of strength and security, cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is to use it as sparingly as possible, avoiding occasions of expense by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely disbursements to prepare for danger frequently prevent much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding likewise the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions of expense, but by exertions in time of peace to discharge the debts which unavoidable wars have occasioned, not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the burthen which we ourselves ought to bear. Observe good faith and justice toward all nations. Cultivate peace and harmony with all. Religion and morality enjoin this conduct. And can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and at no distant period a great nation to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt that in the course of time and things the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantage which might be lost by a steady adherence to it? Can it be that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which enobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices. In the execution of such a plan nothing is more essential than that permanent, inveterate antipathies against particular nations and passionate attachments for others should be excluded, and that in place of them just and amicable feelings toward all should be cultivated. The nation which indulges toward another an habitual hatred or an habitual fondness is in some degree a slave. It is a slave to its animosity or to its affection, either of which is sufficient to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy in one nation against another disposes each more readily to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable when accidental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. So, likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation for another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary common interest in cases where no real common interest exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, betrays the former into a participation in the quarrles and wars of the latter without adequate inducement or justification. It leads also to concessions to the favorite nation of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure the nation making the concessions by unnecessarily parting with what ought to have been retained, and by exciting jealousy, ill will, and a disposition to retaliate in the parties from whom equal privileges are withheld; and it gives to ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote themselves to the favorite nation) facility to betray or sacrifice the interests of their own country without odium, sometimes even with popularity, gilding with the appearances of a virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good the base or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatuation. Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to be constantly awake, since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial, else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defense against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation and excessive dislike of another cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots who may resist the intrigues of the favorite are liable to become suspected and odious, while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people to surrender their interests. The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is, in extending our commercial relations to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. Europe has a set of primary interests which to us have none or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves by artificial ties in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities. Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon to be scrupulously respected; when beligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel. Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice? It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances with any portion of the foreign world, so far, I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But in my opinion it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them. Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies. Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand, neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the Government to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favors from another; that it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that by such acceptance it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favors, and yet being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favors from nation to nation. It is an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard. Though in reviewing the incidents of my Administration I am unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence, and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest. Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love toward it which is so natural to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations, I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat in which I promise myself to realize without alloy the sweet enjoyment of partaking in the midst of my fellow-citizens the benign influence of good laws under a free government – the ever-favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors and dangers. Geo. Washington. ————————————- Prepared by Gerald Murphy (The Cleveland Free-Net – aa300) Distributed by the Cybercasting Services Division of the National Public Telecomputing Network (NPTN). Permission is hereby granted to download, reprint, and/or otherwise redistribute this file, provided appropriate point of origin credit is given to the preparer(s) and the National Public (ftp mrcnext.cso.uiuc.edu) pub/etexts/freenet – The strongest reason for the people to retain the right to keep and bear arms is, as a last resort, to protect themselves against tyranny in government. - Thomas Jefferson, Proposal Virginia Constitution, June 1776 - 1 Thomas Jefferson Papers, 334 (C. J. Boyd, Ed., 1950).]]> http://debtshot.com/washingtons-farewell-address-1796/feed/ 0 http://debtshot.com/first-cont-congress-oct-17741-28-2/ http://debtshot.com/first-cont-congress-oct-17741-28-2/#comments Sun, 19 Apr 2009 01:18:58 +0000 admin http://apg-llc.info/?p=75 ASK CHRIS (FIRST CONT. CONGRESS Oct 1774:1-28) Whereas, since the close of the last war, the British parliament, claiming a power of right to bind the people of America by statute in all cases whatsoever, hath, in some acts expressly imposed taxes on them, and in others, under various pretenses, but in fact for the purpose of raising a revenue, hath imposed rates and duties payable in these colonies, established a board of commissioners with unconstitutional powers, and extended the jurisdiction of courts of Admiralty not only for collecting the said duties, but for the trial of causes merely arising within the body of a county. And whereas, in consequence of other statutes, judges who before held only estates at will in their offices, have been made dependent on the Crown alone for their salaries, and standing armies kept in times of peace. And it has lately been resolved in Parliament, that by force of a statute made in the thirty- fifth year of the reign of king Henry the Eighth, colonists may be transported to England, and tried there upon accusations for treasons and misprisions, or concealments of treasons committed in the colonies; and by a late statute, such trials have been directed in cases therein mentioned. And whereas, in the last session of Parliament, three statutes were made; one entitled “An act to discontinue, in such manner and for such time as are therein mentioned, the landing and discharging, lading, or shipping of goods, wares and merchandise, at the town, and within the harbor of Boston in the province of Massachusetts-bay, in North America;” another, entitled “An act for the better regulating the government of the province of the Massachusetts-bay in New England;” and another, entitled “An act for the impartial administration of justice, in the cases of persons questioned for any act done by them in the execution of the law, or for the suppression of riots and tumults, in the province of the Massachusetts-bay, in New England.” And another statute was then made, “for making more effectual provision for the government of the province of Quebec, etc. All which statutes are impolitic, unjust, and cruel, as well as unconstitutional, and most dangerous and destructive of American rights. And whereas, Assemblies have been frequently dissolved, contrary to the rights of the people, when they attempted to deliberate on grievances; and their dutiful, humble, loyal, & reasonable petitions to the crown for redress, have been repeatedly treated with contempt, by His Majesty’s ministers of state: The good people of the several Colonies of New Hampshire, Massachusetts bay, Rhode Island and Providence plantations, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Newcastle Kent and Sussex on Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, and South Carolina, justly alarmed at these arbitrary proceedings of parliament and administration, have severally elected, constituted, and appointed deputies to meet, and sit in general Congress, in the city of Philadelphia, in order to obtain such establishment, as that their religion, laws, and liberties, may not be subverted: Whereupon the deputies so appointed being now assembled, in a full and free representation of these Colonies, taking into their most serious consideration the best means of attaining the ends aforesaid, do in the first place, as Englishmen their ancestors in like cases have usually done, for asserting and vindicating their rights and liberties, declare, That the inhabitants of the English Colonies in North America, by the immutable laws of nature, the principles of the English constitution, and the several charters or compacts, have the following Rights: Resolved, N. C. D. That they are entitled to life, liberty and property, & they have never ceded to any sovereign power whatever, a right to dispose of either without their consent. That our ancestors, who first settled these colonies, were at the time of their emigration from the mother country, entitled to all the rights, liberties, and immunities of free and natural born subjects within the realm of England. That by such emigration they by no means forfeited, surrendered, or lost any of those rights, but that they were, and their descendants now are entitled to the exercise and enjoyment of all such of them, as their local and other circumstances enable them to exercise and enjoy. That the foundation of English liberty, and of all free government, is a right in the people to participate in their legislative council: and as the English colonists are not represented, and from their local and other circumstances, cannot properly be represented in the British parliament, they are entitled to a free and exclusive power of legislation in their several provincial legislatures, where their right of representation can alone be preserved, in all cases of taxation and internal polity, subject only to the negative of their sovereign, in such manner as has been heretofore used and accustomed. But, from the necessity of the case, and a regard to the mutual interest of both countries, we cheerfully consent to the operation of such acts of the British parliament, as are bona fide restrained to the regulation of our external commerce, for the purpose of securing the commercial advantages of the whole empire to the mother country, and the commercial benefits of its respective members excluding every idea of taxation, internal or external, for raising a revenue on the subjects in America without their consent. That the respective colonies are entitled to the common law of England, and more especially to the great and inestimable privilege of being tried by their peers of the vicinage, according to the course of that law. That they are entitled to the benefit of such of the English statutes, as existed at the time of their colonization; and which they have, by experience, respectively found to be applicable to their several local and other circumstances. That these, his majesty’s colonies, are likewise entitled to all the immunities and privileges granted and confirmed to them by royal charters, or secured by their several codes of provincial laws. That they have a right peaceably to assemble, consider of their grievances, and petition the King; and that all prosecutions, prohibitory proclamations, and commitments for the same, are illegal. That the keeping a Standing army in these colonies, in times of peace, without the consent of the legislature of that colony in which such army is kept, is against law. It is indispensably necessary to good government, and rendered essential by the English constitution, that the constituent branches of the legislature be independent of each other; that, therefore, the exercise of legislative power in several colonies, by a council appointed during pleasure, by the crown, is unconstitutional, dangerous, and destructive to the freedom of American legislation. All and each of which the aforesaid deputies, in behalf of themselves, and their constituents, do claim, demand, and insist on, as their indubitable rights and liberties; which cannot be legally taken from them, altered or abridged by any power whatever, without their own consent, by their representatives in their several provincial legislatures. In the course of our inquiry, we find many infringements and violations of the foregoing rights, which, from an ardent desire that harmony and mutual intercourse of affection and interest may be restored, we pass over for the present, and proceed to state such acts and measures as have been adopted since the last war, which demonstrate a system formed to enslave America. Resolved, That the following acts of Parliament are infringements and violations of the rights of the colonists; and that the repeal of them is essentially necessary, in order to restore harmony between Great Britain and the American colonies, viz.: The several Acts of 4 Geo. 3, ch. 15 & ch. 34; 5 Geo. 3, ch. 25; 6 Geo. 3, ch. 52; 7 Geo. 3, ch. 41 & 46; 8 Geo. 3, ch. 22; which impose duties for the purpose of raising a revenue in America, extend the powers of the admiralty courts beyond their ancient limits, deprive the American subject of trial by jury, authorize the judges’ certificate to indemnify the prosecutor from damages that he might otherwise be liable to, requiring oppressive security from a claimant of ships and goods seized before he shall be allowed to defend his property; and are subversive of American rights. Also the 12 Geo. 3, ch. 24, entitled “An act for the better preserving his Majesty’s dockyards, magazines, ships, ammunition, and stores,” which declares a new offense in America, and deprives the American subject of a constitutional trial by jury of the vicinage, by authorizing the trial of any person charged with the committing any offense described in the said act, out of the realm, to be indicted and tried for the same in any shire or county within the realm. Also the three acts passed in the last session of parliament, for stopping the port and blocking up the harbor of Boston, for altering the charter & government of the Massachusetts bay, and that which is entitled “An Act for the better administration of Justice,” &c. Also the act passed the same session for establishing the Roman Catholic Religion in the province of Quebec, abolishing the equitable system of English laws, and erecting a tyranny there, to the great danger, from so great a dissimilarity of Religion, law, and government, of the neighboring British colonies by the assistance of whose blood and treasure the said country was conquered from France. Also the act passed the same session for the better providing suitable quarters for officers and soldiers in his Majesty’s service in North America. Also, that the keeping a standing army in several of these colonies, in time of peace, without the consent of the legislature of that colony in which the army is kept, is against law. To these grievous acts and measures Americans cannot submit, but in hopes that their fellow subjects in Great Britain will, on a revision of them, restore us to that state in which both countries found happiness and prosperity, we have for the present only resolved to pursue the following peaceable measures: 1st. To enter into a non-importation, non-consumption, and non-exportation agreement or association. 2. To prepare an address to the people of Great Britain, and a memorial to the inhabitants of British America, & 3. To prepare a loyal address to his Majesty, agreeable to resolutions already entered into. * * * * * (FIRST CONT. CONGRESS Oct 1774:1-28)]]> http://debtshot.com/first-cont-congress-oct-17741-28-2/feed/ 0 http://debtshot.com/the-price-they-paid/ http://debtshot.com/the-price-they-paid/#comments Sun, 19 Apr 2009 01:18:27 +0000 admin http://apg-llc.info/?p=73 ASK CHRIS THE PRICE THEY PAID Have you ever wondered what happened to the 56 men who signed the Declaration of Independence? Five signers were captured by the British as traitors, and tortured before they died. Twelve had their homes ransacked and burned. Two lost their sons in the revolutionary army, another had two sons captured. Nine of the 56 fought and died from wounds or hardships of the revolutionary war. They signed and they pledged their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor. What kind of men were they? Twenty-four were lawyers and jurists. Eleven were merchants, nine were farmers and large plantation owners, men of means, well educated. But they signed the Declaration of Independence knowing full well that the penalty would be death if they were captured. Carter Braxton of Virginia, a wealthy planter and trader, saw his ships swept from the seas by the British Navy. He sold his home and properties to pay his debts, and died in rags. Thomas McKeam was so hounded by the British that he was forced to move his family almost constantly. He served in the Congress without pay, and his family was kept in hiding. His possessions were taken from him, and poverty was his reward. Vandals or soldiers or both, looted the properties of Ellery, Clymer, Hall, Walton, Gwinnett, Heyward, Ruttledge, and Middleton. At the battle of Yorktown, Thomas Nelson Jr., noted that the British General Cornwallis had taken over the Nelson home for his headquarters. The owner quietly urged General George Washington to open fire. The home was destroyed, and Nelson died bankrupt. Francis Lewis had his home and properties destroyed. The enemy jailed his wife, and she died within a few months. John Hart was driven from his wife’s bedside as she was dying. Their 13 children fled for their lives. His fields and his gristmill were laid to waste. For more than a year he lived in forests and caves, returning home to find his wife dead and his children vanished. A few weeks later he died from exhaustion and a broken heart. Norris and Livingston suffered similar fates. Such were the stories and sacrifices of the American Revolution. These were not wild eyed, rabble-rousing ruffians. They were soft-spoken men of means and education. They had security, but they valued liberty more. Standing tall, straight, and unwavering, they pledged: “For the support of this declaration, with firm reliance on the protection of the divine providence, we mutually pledge to each other, our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor.” Targetshooter’s notes: They gave you and I a free and independent America. The history books never told you a lot of what happened in the revolutionary war. We didn’t just fight the British. We were British subjects at that time and we fought our own government! Perhaps you can now see why our founding fathers had a hatred for standing armies, and allowed through the second amendment for everyone to be armed. Frankly, I can’t read this without crying. Some of us take these liberties so much for granted. We shouldn’t. Peace my friends, Garry Hildreth (Targetshooter) Erie, Pa]]> http://debtshot.com/the-price-they-paid/feed/ 0